The reproaches leveled by the so-called “friendly opposition” against Milei's intransigence reinforce the suspicion. Libertarians are betting on a strong and constant digital siege against their rivals, from the most distant to the closest. Everyone ends up flirting with her, so to speak.
And as a result, the government consolidates its radicalized positions, with the president leading the “hit and (if you can) negotiate” social media strategy.
Read also: The Milei era in the networks: greater interest in management and politics, but with very high negativity
A minister with several purposes
To understand why the figure leads the ranking of ministers, officials and pro-government leaders most mentioned on social networks, we must refer to a specific political agreement by Javier Milei.
When the current President had not yet taken office, his understanding with Mauricio Macri opened the door for Patricia Bullrich to enter the incipient cabinet. The current Minister of Security joined the libertarian ranks as a Macrista wedge in a power structure still in formation.
It was an agreement that would imply a contribution in terms of political volume to broaden the foundations of the government assumed on December 10 of last year.
Bullrich not only became Minister of Security, but also a contributor of political volume to an administration that needed to show political and management support.
Patricia Bullrich, in front
If we analyze Javier Milei's cabinet at first glance, the libertarian color shines, but with political touches of other tones that qualify that first observation. In fact, Patricia Bullrich closed January as the government official most present in the digital conversation.
According to the data collected and analyzed together with Scidata Argentina, the Minister of Security was left with a third of the talk about the main libertarian figures in power.
It accounted for almost 32% of the volume of dialogue on social networks about the government, with X (formerly Twitter) leading the total mentions, followed by YouTube and Facebook. The percentage reflects the centrality of Bullrich in the public discussion in the digital world.
High rejection, with political presence
However, the Minister of Security pays a high digital cost for being the political figure of the government with the most prominence on social networks. In January, Patricia Bullrich reached the highest level of negativity in the conversation that mentioned her, with 64.8% rejection.
Two topics contributed greater amounts of negative mentions to the conversation about the minister.
More politics than security
Patricia Bullrich, in short, essentially manages to be a political wedge within the libertarian administration. Among specific political topics and government management, the minister and former presidential candidate accounted for just over 43% of the mentions that cited her during January.
The issues of “justice” barely achieved 14%, the “social agenda” 13.4% and “corruption” just over 10%.
Manuel Adorni, a spokesperson more than a spokesperson
Behind Patricia Bullrich stands a key political figure, although her mission appears to be different. This is the presidential spokesperson, Manuel Adorni.
An economist by training, Javier Milei's spokesperson has been playing an essential role in the daily construction of the ruling party's political agenda, not without surprises.
Adorni has been a well-known digital swordsman of social media since before he became a presidential spokesperson. His sharp anti-Kirchnerist publications earned him an important place in the anti-K community, especially in X.
Today, his mission in the government is, clearly, to leverage Javier Milei's management from the point of view of communication.
However, Manuel Adorni allows himself to continue maintaining his critical semantics against what we could now define as the “heavy inheritance” left by Kirchnerism.
A political mission
Manuel Adorni fulfills a specific political mission in the government. His daily press conferences provide a volume of chatter on social networks that place him in a more than interesting second place for his public profile.
During January, Adorni added just over 20% of the mentions of Javier Milei's main officials and collaborators, occupying a comfortable second place behind Patricia Bullrich.
During the month that ended, Adorni even achieved a digital reputation somewhat better than that of the Minister of Security, with 62.5% of negative mentions against 64.8% of the leader of the Pro.
During January, the general strike called by the CGT was the most present topic in the negative semantics mentioned to the presidential spokesperson.
A fact that, without a doubt, accounts for the phenomenon of political containment dam that the spokesperson fulfills in the face of the heavy management agenda that Javier Milei carries on his shoulders.
Despite everything, Adorni also contributed last month to maintaining the semantics of support for the libertarian government. “Rights” and “freedom” were the two words of positive sentiment most present in the talk about the official spokesperson.
As I stressed, Adorni is above all a political figure of the government rather than an official who operationalizes official communication. His strong role in the digital world manages to install an agenda with marked political weight on the networks.
During January, just over 40% of the semantics about the presidential spokesperson were political, displacing economic matters to just 16.5%. Even the government management reached just over 12%, above the 8% of the social agenda.
Luis Caputo, the Minister of Economy (and Politics)
As in the cases of Bullrich and Adorni, Luis “Toto” Caputo also fulfills a political mission before his own economic responsibility for which he was elected minister.
The official is the fourth figure of the ruling party in presence on social networks, although with an even more important role in the semantics of the media.
Caputo, like Patricia Bullrich, suffers the constant onslaught of digital criticism, which brought the rate of negative mentions about her figure to 64.4% during January.
This negativity was enhanced, among other reasons, by his threats to the governors in the fight for the Omnibus law, by the management of the public debt and the adjustment policies that he has been applying with a firm arm.
All hot topics that even relegated the discussion surrounding Caputo's handling of inflation to a much less intense level.
Between the economy and the law Omnibus
Caputo's threats to governors who do not support the Omnibus law became a central topic of the talk about the minister during January. This attack by the head of the economic portfolio against the provincial leaders pushed the political talk about his figure to exceed 35% of the total conversation about him on social networks.
Over the past month, management ranked second in the conversation about “Toto” Caputo with 21.6%, while strictly economic topics came in third with 17.1%.
Even further behind was the issue of the country's finances with just over 13%. Adding the volume of talk about the economic and financial, the result is not enough to match the political conversation about the head of the Treasury Palace.
A fact that reinforces our hypothesis about the political significance of Luis Caputo as Minister of Economy and his functionality in the political-ideological discussion that Javier Milei himself agitates in the economic field, both in the media and especially in social networks.
Leadership in digital media
Let's now investigate the media landscape to analyze the presence of Javier Milei's main collaborators. Digital media promote a much more formal semantics than social networks.
But, in addition, they configure an agenda of topics and protagonists of these, at times, very different from the priorities of social networks.
During January, for example, the most present of all the officials and leaders close to the president was his Minister of the Interior. Guillermo Francos accounted for almost 22% of media publications with a digital presence.
The political agenda maker
As holder of the political portfolio par excellence, Guillermo Francos capitalizes on his role as the government's great master.
And it is, at the same time, the builder of laborious temporary political agreements, as is the case of the rounds of negotiations for the vote on the Omnibus law in Congress.
Francos achieves centrality in the eyes of the media and projects his figure onto the political leadership in general, including, of course, that group defined by Milei and his closest entourage as the “political caste.”
Behind the Minister of the Interior, Luis Caputo was ranked during January, with 16% of mentions in the digital publications of the Argentine media.
The head of the Treasury also reinforces his prominence on the media agenda, even over Patricia Bullrich, third in presence during January with just under 14% of online publications.
Spokesperson Manuel Adorni just appears in fourth place on this list with less than 10% of the mentions of Milei officials and collaborators in digital media.
At this level of analysis, it is clear that the wedge that the spokesperson manages to drive with his spicy crosses with the government's opponents yields much more on social networks than in the informative context that they construct from the media.
An interesting counterpoint, for an official who fulfills formal functions as presidential spokesperson, but achieves better performance by “spicing” the political discussion on social platforms rather than in traditional media.
The Villarruel exception
When we analyze the ranking of the most important government officials and political figures on social media, we mention the first on the list (Bullrich), the second (Adorni) and the fourth (Caputo), but we do not mention the third.
This is the vice president, Victoria Villarruel. Javier Milei's political partner achieves a very good performance on social platforms, although she noticeably loses her digital weight in the media narrative.
In this way, Villarruel loses prominence in our analysis, taking this difference into account.
Read also: Javier Milei and the “heavy legacy” of Argentine bad mood on social networks
The reasons for this counterpoint between the vice president's centrality in networks and her low penetration in digital media publications remain for strictly political analysis.
Without a doubt, this is a deficit resulting from his low intensity in relations with the press, both “on” and “off”, a much more worked and well-oiled strategy by other officials and figures close to Javier Milei himself.