“Caste”, “criminals”, “beasts” and “traitors”. Javier Milei did not spare any criticism for his political adversaries. Anything goes to confront the governors and deputies who stopped the sanction of the Omnibus Law. He feels that he is the one “chosen by the good people” to put an end to a hundred years of business and privilege.
Although the fall of the Omnibus Law was a defeat for the ruling party at the legislative level, as the hours go by the president becomes convinced that the discussion reorganized the political board and that he finished clarifying the scenario for the citizens and his own government: it is time to reorganize political affinities. He confirmed this Friday the decision to remove Osvaldo Giordano from Anses from Córdoba and Flavia Royon from Salta from the Ministry of Mining to break relations with governors Martín Llaryora and Gustavo Sáenz.
The President lived a very intense week. While his rational left hemisphere guided him on the tour of Israel, deploying a planned and neat foreign policy that combined with religious emotions at the Western Wall, his right brain hemisphere was full of fury at what was happening in Argentina.
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Milei has her reasons. In November she received 56% of the vote. They are not all his, because the runoff allowed him to group together supporters of the PRO and independent sectors. But those are minor details that the President does not dwell on. For him, they are all his own, achieved through his merit, and Congress should have voted for his Omnibus Law without question.
The libertarian is firmly and sincerely convinced of the task before him. He rejects the possibility of facing a political negotiation. For him, negotiating is giving in and allowing privileges to continue. Therefore, his speech necessarily deepens the rift.
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All populist leaders in the world use confrontational speech as an electoral tool, because it serves to communicate emotions and to bring together large sectors of the electorate. And, already in the government, it serves to define the “good” people and exclude the caste, the culprit of all evils. But, as an everyday political strategy, the crack generates many problems:
Unlike what happened with Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández, who abused this strategy, Javir Milei does not have a majority in any of the chambers, but his blocks are small minorities. A president can bypass Congress if he gets that power to delegate powers to him for emergency reasons. That is what Carlos Menem achieved when Parliament approved the State reform that Roberto Dromi and Rodolfo Barra had drafted. Milei didn't get it.
Javier Milei closes his circle. (Photo: Reuters)
The decrees of necessity and urgency are not enough to attract capital investments: they are a very weak legal basis, which any president can modify through another DNU and cannot be dictated in tax matters.
Milei, sooner rather than later, will have to resubmit projects in Congress, both to modify or increase taxes. Furthermore, although it extended the 2023 Budget, in August or September it will have to present the 2025 Budget: the intervention of the deputies or senators will be inevitable.
Politics is about building bridges, not breaking them. Because someone always takes advantage of that flaw. Kirchnerism, which is openly opposition, has the ambulance ready to pick up injured legislators and governors: the K feel that Milei is helping them and they pressure to reverse the mega DNU that the President dictated in December.
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Anger led Milei to cut transfers to the provinces, including the Compensation Fund for transportation. The head of state does not notice that the same people who voted for him as President had also previously voted for the governors. In Santa Fe and Mendoza, the same voters consecrated Pullaro and Cornejo did the same with Milei. Now the President punishes them all equally.
On the other hand, there are discretionary items that the Executive Branch can eliminate, but there are items that have their origin in the last Fiscal Pact or are specifically allocated funds created by law, such as the Teacher Incentive Fund, so there are already governors evaluating the possibility of suing the Government before the Supreme Court.
Cornejo noticed a paradox: Milei punished the allied provinces with the loss of subsidies, but continues to give subsidies to the province of Buenos Aires, thus governed by his main adversary, Axel Kicillof.